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Just a few points:1) It is not hair splitting to suggest that an accused person should be treated fairly. While there is an obvious difference between the work of the Privileges Committee and a criminal trial, the dictates of natural justice should apply to both.2) Chris Bryant honourably recused himself as he had previously accused Boris Johnson of lying. Why did Harriet Harman not follow his example? It may be the case that she enjoyed the confidence of the Commons, but justice should not only be done but be seen to be done. 3) Ministers have from time to time been forced to resign for lying to Parliament, but has there ever been a case of a minister arraigned for being 'evasive' and making 'recklessly misleading' statements? It seems to me that these are wholly new offences invented specially to condemn Boris Johnson. Could not Blair and May and many others be accused of the same offences? Those who condemn Johnson over Partygate often say that that there was one rule for Downing St and another for the rest of the country. Fair enough. But by the same token there seems to be one rule for Johnson and another for every previous Prime Minister in respect of statements at the Dispatch Box.4) I don't agree that the term 'recklessly misleading' is clearly defined. It seems to have been introduced to cover up a lack of evidence that Johnson deliberately lied to Parliament. Along with every other contributor to this Forum, no doubt, I think that Ministers should tell the truth at the Dispatch Box, but in my opinion a charge of lying to Parliament should be confined to matters of fact, not opinion. Just to take one example, Boris Johnson briefly attended two or three leaving gatherings where he said a few words and raised a glass to the departing member of staff before going back to his office. The Privileges Committee  rejected Johnson's view that these gatherings were necessary to maintain staff morale during lockdown and they concluded that in stating that no rules had been broken Johnson had deliberately misled Parliament. Now while the Committee is entitled to its opinion on these gatherings, Johnson's view is at least arguable. He, along with many others, including senior civil servants, may have genuinely believed that brief events of this kind (not drunken parties which at least one of them became after he left) were within the rules. I think it is harsh on this kind of evidence to convict Johnson of lying. And it sets a dangerous precedent.

Steven Rose ● 718d

I think you have missed many points in your post.1)  Harriet Harman and the Committee was chosen by Parliament and the chair is always a member of the opposition.  It is stated in the terms of reference of the Privileges Committee.  Harriet Harman did offer to step aside but was asked to continue with her duty.2)  The Committee of Privileges is tasked with the investigation of potential contempts and breaches of privilege, as well as considering wider matters relating to parliamentary privilege from time to time, as instructed by the House. The Committee can only consider matters referred to it by the House of Commons as a whole. It reports to the House its conclusions on whether a contempt or a breach of privileges has occurred and its recommendations on any sanctions – final decisions on these matters also have to be taken by the House as a whole.  They are not judges and the ones who judged were the MPs in the HoC.3) I did not watch anything of the proceedings but the work of the Committee would have been viewed in a negative way if they were all drumming support for BoJo, very much in the same way that you are drumming it was all against BoJo.4)  The Committee was trying to establish potential contempts and breaches of privilege.  If this is the case, can they be impartial - in your words?  They need to establish the truth. I did not realize that their work was supposed to be similar to a "criminal court".  They were trying to establish if breaches of privilege had occurred.5)  It is impossible to state that BoJo did not know that he was breaking the rules.  He and his government imposed the rules and repeated them many times during public broadcasts.Kier Starmer, as a lawyer, was correct that he did not break the rules because, at the time of his "supposed" breach, gatherings were allowed for election purposes.From your point of view, BoJo was/is whiter than white.  From my point of view, whatever we did/does had/has an excuse.  I do not think that the law operates that way.  You either did wrong or not. 

Ivonne Holliday ● 720d

I am not a fan of Boris Johnson nor of any politician, I think there is a lot of truth in the adage that politics is show business for the ugly people. But it seems to me that the Privileges Committee, while supposedly acting in a quasi-judicial capacity, failed to observe the dictates of natural justice in their Report on Johnson:1) A basic principle is that those called upon to judge their fellow citizens should refrain from making prejudicial statements in advance of any hearing. It is clear that Harriet Harman, having expressed  her view that Johnson lied to Parliament, should have recused herself, as Chris Bryant did.2) It is important that judges should ensure that their own behaviour is beyond reproach. It is alleged that a prominent member of the Committee,  Bernard Jenkin, attended an unlawful party in December 2021 (hosted by the Deputy Speaker in Parliament) to celebrate his wife's birthday. Jenkin has not denied this allegation, which, if proved, undermines not just his credibility but the credibility of the Committee.3) Those acting in a judicial capacity should ensure that their demeanour during any hearing is studiously impartial. I watched the proceedings in which Johnson gave evidence to the Committee from beginning to end and it seemed to me that some (not all) Committee members were openly antagonistic to him throughout .4) It is a long established principle of justice that laws should not be invented just to find a particular individual guilty. While it has always been the case that Ministers should not tell deliberate lies to Parliament, the Privileges Committee in Johnson's case seems to have invented a wholly new misdemeanour, namely making recklessly misleading statements. This particular innovation begs the question of why Johnson has been singled out. Should Tony Blair be investigated for having 'recklessly' led the country into war on the basis of flawed intelligence to which he gave undue credence? Should Theresa May be investigated for having 'recklessly' declared on over 100 occasions that the UK would leave the EU by March 2019 without a deal unless Brussels made concessions? 5) Laws should be unambiguous, otherwise they cannot be fairly enforced. Unfortunately it is impossible to define what is and is not reckless. Such things are often a matter of opinion.  If you genuinely believe something which other people consider incorrect, are you  being reckless when you say it is true? Did Keir Starmer recklessly mislead the public when he said no rules were broken at the beer and curry gathering during lockdown in the Durham constituency office? 

Steven Rose ● 720d